د.هاني الحسيني: شهادتي حول أحداث 28 نوفمبر ٢٠١٣ بجامعة القاهرة - استشهاد محمد رضا

حوالي الساعة الثالثة بعد الظهر اتصلت بي إحدى الزميلات من كلية الآداب وقالت أن الشرطة تطلق الغاز داخل الجامعة وفي ساحة كلية الآداب (خلف المبنى الرئيسي للكلية). بالصدفة كانت معي د. ليلى سويف فتوجهنا معاً إلى المدخل الرئيسي للجامعة، حيث كانت هناك مظاهرة طلابية داخل البوابة.

 

ما رأيته بنفسي:

 

عند وصولنا قابلنا نائب مدير أمن الجامعة الذي كان ثائراً بسبب تصرفات الشرطة وقال لي أنه يشهد بأن الطلاب لم يصدر عنهم تجاوز أثناء مسيرتهم داخل الجامعة، وأنه لا يعلم ما حدث خارج الجامعة لكنه لا يبرر ضرب الغاز داخل الحرم الجامعي.

تحدثت مع بعض الطلاب وفهمت منهم أنهم خرجوا للتظاهر أمام البوابة الرئيسية للجامعة فقامت الشرطة بضربهم بقنابل الغاز، وعندما دخلوا إلى داخل الجامعة استمر ضربهم بالغاز داخل الجامعة.

حاولت إقناع الطلاب بعدم الخروج لمواجهة الشرطة، لكنهم كانوا في درجة عالية من الاستثارة وكان من الصعب مجرد التحدث معهم.

بعد قليل عاود الطلاب الخروج للتظاهر أمام الجامعة وأعادت الشرطة الهجوم عليهم بقنابل الغاز فانسحب الطلاب لداخل الجامعة وطاردتهم الشرطة بقنابل الغاز داخل الجامعة. شاهدت ذلك بنفسي.

تكرر هذا الأمر مرة أخرى، لكن في تلك المرة سمعنا أصوات تختلف عن أصوات إطلاق قنابل الغاز وتوقع البعض أن تكون طلقات خرطوش.

من الواضح أنه كانت هناك مظاهرة أخرى في كلية الهندسة على الناحية المقابلة من الشارع وأنها عوملت بنفس الأسلوب، ويبدو أن ضرب الخرطوش بدأ ضد مظاهرة كلية الهندسة.

في المرة الثالثة رايت بنفسي أفراد شرطة يقتربون من الباب ويصوبون بنادقهم إلى داخل الجامعة ويطلقون طلقات (غالباً طلقات خرطوش).

 

الاتصالات:

 

خلال كل تلك الفترة كنت أحاول الاتصال بالدكتور جابر نصار الذي كان تليفونه مغلقاً ولم يكن موجوداً في الجامعة. وحسب تليفوني كانت أول محاولة الساعة الثالثة وثلاث دقائق وآخر محاولة فاشلة الساعة الرابعة و أربعة دقائق :)

الساعة الرابعة وخمسة وعشرين دقيقة حاولت مرة أخرى فرد علي د. جابر ولم يكن على علم بما يدور في الجامعة، وأبلغته بأن الشرطة تطلق الغاز والخرطوش على الطلاب داخل الحرم الجامعي، فأجابني بأنه سيتصل فوراً بمدير أمن الجيزة.

قبل ذلك (الساعة الرابعة وخمس دقائق حيث كنت قد يئست من الاتصال بالدكتور جابر) اتصلت بالدكتور حسام عيسى، وطلبت منه بذل المساعي لوقف تصرفات الشرطة، فأجابني بأنه سيتصل فوراً بوزير الداخلية.

 

الشك في مقتل الطالب مصطفي عصام - كلية الحقوق

 

في تلك الأثناء صعدت إلى مكتبي لعدة دقائق ثم مررت على د. ليلى سويف فوجدت عندها طالب في حالة إنهيار ومعه بعض زملائه وكان الطالب يقول أن زميله قد قتل أمام عينيه، لكن بإعادة سؤاله عما حدث فهمنا أنه رأى زميله يصاب بطلقة في وجهه في منطقة العين، وسقط وقام أفراد الشرطة بجره وأخذه إلى سيارة الشرطة، الطالب الذي أصيب (أو قتل) من كلية الحقوق وإسمه مصطفى عصام.

 

عدت إلى مدخل الجامعة، وفي الطريق مررت على سيارات الإسعاف التي كانت متجمعة أمام قسم الكيمياء وسألت المسعفين عن حالات الإصابة بالخرطوش فأكدوا لي وجود خمس مصابين بالخرطوش على الأقل، لكنهم قالوا أنها لم يكن بينها إصابات خطيرة أو قاتلة.

 

قتل الطالب محمد رضا - كلية الهندسة:

 

أمام القبة وجدت مجموعة من الطلاب يحكون عن مقتل طالب من كلية الهندسة إسمه محمد رضا، القصة التي رواها أحدهم (والتي ثبت بعد ذلك صحتها) أن الطالب أصيب بطلقة كما كان يعاني من الغاز، فأخذه أحد زملائه في سيارته ليتوجه به إلى مستشفى الطلبة، بعد خروجهم من كلية الهندسة وبجوار سور حديقة الحيوان استوقفتهم الشرطة وألقت القبض على السائق (أفرجوا عنه فيما بعد) وتركت الطالب المصاب في السيارة، وصل إليه أحد المسعفين بعد قليل فوجده قد فارق الحياة.

ما يرويه الطلاب أن محمد رضا اصيب داخل الكلية، وما يدعيه الأمن أنه قتل خارجها. لكن هل هذه هي القضية؟

بعد فترة (حوالي الساعة الخامسة والربع) اتصل بنا أحد الطلاب وقال أن السيارة التي بها جثمان الطالب محمد رضا مازالت موجودة في مكانها أمام سور حديقة الحيوان، ذهبت أنا ود. ليلى سويف ومعنا عدد من الطلاب ووجدنا تجمعاً من الشباب حول السيارة، ووالد القتيل واقف بجوارها في صدمة، وبعد أخذ ورد اقتنع الوالد المكلوم باستدعاء الإسعاف لنقل الجثمان للمشرحة حتى يتم إثبات سبب الوفاة.

 

إصابة الطالب عصام جمال الدين (أو جمال عصام الدين ... للأسف لست متأكداً من الإسم): - كلية الهندسة أيضاً:

 

أثناء تواجدنا أمام القبة بين الرابعة والنصف والخامسة رأيت أحد أفراد الأمن مصاباً بالخرطوش في يده، وقال لي أننا يمكن أن نذهب لكلية الهندسة للتأكد من إصابات الطلاب هناك أو مقتلهم (لم نكن قد تأكدنا بعد من وفاة الطالب محمد رضا)، في كلية الهندسة تحدثنا مع بعض أفراد الأمن فذكروا لنا أن طالباً إسمه عصام جمال الدين أصيب بطلقة اخترقت جانبه وأنه نقل إلى القصر العيني، اتصلت بالزميلة الدكتورة عبير عبد الحافظ وطلبت منها متابعة الموضوع مع الزملاء في كلية الطب، وبالفعل اتصلت بيأ.د. مجد قطب حوالي الساعة السادسة وقالت لي أن الطالب مصاب فعلاً بطلق ناري وربما إثنين وأنه في غرفة الجراحة، ثم أعادت الاتصال بعد ذلك وأفادتني بأن حالته غالباً مستقرة.

 

الشك في إصابة (أو مقتل) طالب آخر من كلية الهندسة إسمه إسماعيل:

 

روى الطلاب أن طالباً بالفرقة الثانية قسم طيران إسمه إسماعيل قد قتل، لكن بعضهم تدخل وقال أنه لم يقتل وإنما تم نقله للقصر العيني مصاباً. الزملاء في القصر العيني لم يجدوا مصاباً بهذا الإسم، وجاري البحث عنه في الأقسام والمستشفيات.

 

ملخص:

 

الشرطة لم تدخل الجامعة لكنها هاجمت الطلاب والعاملين بالخرطوش والغاز (وربما الرصاص الحي) داخل الحرم الجامعي.

 أفراد الأمن الجامعي تصرف بمنتهى الالتزام والمروءة ... فلهم الشكر.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AJvEvji-C1c#t=36

http://www.masrawy.com/News/reports/2013/november/29/5770539.aspx

11/29/2013 2:29:00 PM

 كتب- محمد أبو ليلة:

كانت الاشتباكات مشتعلة بين الشرطة والمتظاهرين، وعدد من طلاب كلية الهندسة يقفون أمام كليتهم لمشاهدة ما يحدث على بعد عشرات الأمتار من سور الجامعة، لكن في اللحظة التي  قررت فيها الشرطة أن تطلق قنابل الغاز، انتبه الطلاب لما يجري بعد أو وصل  دخان القنابل حتى مدخل المدرجات، وقتها كان الطالب محمد رضا عبد الجواد يتابع ما يحدث من بعيد – حسبما يقول موافقوه -، هناك من اختنق بالغاز وأخرين أصيبوا بطلقات خرطوش، مرت لحظات وجاء الدور على ''محمد'' الذي أصيب بطلقة نارية في الصدر أوقعته صريعا.

حاول زملاءه إنقاذه، ذهبوا به إلى مستشفى الجامعة، لكنه كان قد فارق الحياة، أحد المعيدين بالكلية هَمّ مسرعا وأحضر سيارته لينقل بها الضحية إلى مستشفى قصر العيني، لكن حينما ذهبوا إلى هناك أخبرهم أحد الأطباء أن روحه صعدت إلى بارئها، بعدها جاءت سيارة إسعاف واتجهت به إلى مشرحة زينهم لاستكمال الإجراءات هناك.
 ''مالوش'' في السياسة

محمد رضا أكمل عامه الـ 19 منذ 4 أيام فقط، كان الثالث على دفعته في السنة الأولى بقسم الكهرباء في  كلية هندسة القاهرة، ليس
  له علاقة بالسياسة.. حينما طلبنا منه يشارك معانا في مظاهرة كان يقول (مليش في السياسة).. كان يقف بعيد يشاهد الشرطة وهي تضربنا داخل الجامعة''، هكذا قال أحد زملاء محمد والذي شهد واقعة وفاته في تصريحات لمصراوي.
كانت مشرحة زينهم وجهتنا بعد مسرح الاشتباكات أمام جامعة القاهرة، وكان الصمت مسيطرا على الجميع، ووالدة الضحية في حالة نفسية يرثى لها، رفضت الحديث مع وسائل الإعلام، لكنها ظلت تردد تلك ''حسبي الله ونعم الوكيل''.
عدد كبير من زملاءه تجمعوا أمام المشرحة، انتظروا لأكثر من ساعتين كي تأتي النيابة وتأمر بتشريح الجثة، ظل والده في غرفة الأمن داخل المشرحة يتابع الإجراءات.
يقول خاله لمصراوي إنهم علموا بالحادثة في الخامسة عصر الخميس، وحينما ذهبوا لإحضار الجثة، رفضت سيارة الإسعاف نقله، كما أن مستشفى قصر العيني رفض استقبال الجثة.
أحد اقرباءه قال ''محمد مات مثلما مات من قبله شباب كثيرين، جميعهم قتل بدون سبب، لا أحد يعلم لماذا يُقتلون بهذه الصورة؟''.
أحمد عصام طالب بكلية هندسة وأحد زملاء الضحية في الكلية قال ''محمد كان يقف بعيدا يشاهد الشرطة وهي تطلق الرصاص علينا، احنا كنا متواجدين في مبني هندسة والذي يبعد عن سور الجامعة الرئيسي بـ 100 متر، كان عندي امتحان وقتها، لكن قنابل الغاز وصلت للمدرج، وتوقف الامتحان لفترة، نزلت لأرى ماذا يجري. رأيت الشرطة تطلق قنابل الغاز.. والطلبة تهتف ضدها''.
وتابع: ''ظلت الشرطة تطلق علينا قنابل غاز وخرطوش ونحن نهتف ضدها فقط، بعدها سقط محمد بطلق ناري، طلبنا الإسعاف لكن رفضوا، ذهبنا به إلى مستشفى الطلبة، وبعدها إلى القصر العيني ثم المشرحة''.
بينما قال أحد أصدقاءه يدعى مصطفى، وعلامات الحزن بادية على وجهه: ''محمد لم يكن يتحدث في السياسة مطلقا، كان يشارك معنا في الإضراب فقط باعتباره طالب، لكن عمره ما هتف ضد أحد بعينه، كان يساعد كل الناس، وكان دايما يقول لنا (مليش في السياسة)، كان مركز في دراسته وكان شاطر، لماذا قتلوه؟ ما ذنبه؟''.
طلق ناري
وعن بداية الأحداث داخل جامعة القاهرة يحكي أحد الطلبة شهود العيان على الواقعة أنه كانت هناك وقفة لطلبة في ميدان النهضة ضد ''الانقلاب'' وكانت هناك مدرعات للشرطة، وتابع: كان هناك طالب من الجامعة يصور الشرطة وهي تطلق الرصاص على المتظاهرين في الخارج، وعندما شاهده العسكري، نزل من المدرعة محاولا القبض عليه.. بعدها جاء هذا الطالب للجامعة، هربنا من الشرطة التي بدأت تطلق القنابل والرصاص داخل الحرم الجامعي، كان محمد رضا واقف بعيد لكن الشرطة أصابته بشكل عشوائي ومات''.
الطلبة أكدوا أن الشرطة استخدمت الرصاص الخرطوش، إلا أن نائب رئيس الوزراء ووزير التعليم العالي الدكتور حسام عيسى نفى في اتصال هاتفي على فضائية ''أون تي في''، استخدام قوات الأمن للخرطوش.
وقال عيسى ''اتصلت بوزير الداخلية فور علمي بإطلاق قنابل الغاز المسيل للدموع من خلف أسوار الجامعة إلى داخلها، فقال لي أنه غير صحيح وأن الأمن تعرض للطلبة الذين خرجوا إلى الشارع، لأنها مظاهرة لم يتم الإخطار بها، وأن أقصى تسليح للشرطة المرابطة بمحيط جامعة القاهرة هو الرصاص المطاطي (اللي بيلسع)، يعني لا يوجد خرطوش بالمرة، فإذا كان طالب أصيب بالخرطوش فهذا ليس من الشرطة، حسب كلام وزير الداخلية لي، لأن الشرطة ليس لديها خرطوش''.
النيابة من جانبها، كشفت في التحقيقات التي باشرها المستشار حاتم فاضل، رئيس نيابة قسم الجيزة، أن الطالب توفي إثر تلقي طلق ناري في صدره وخرج من الظهر أودى بحياته في التو واللحظة.
كما أكد تقرير الطب الشرعي الذي حصل مصراوي على نسخة منه أن سبب الوفاة هي طلق ناري في الصدر ونزيف داخلي أودى للوفاة.

Lara Deeb and Mona Harb, 2011. "Sanctioned Pleasures: Youth Negotiations of Leisure and Morality in al-Dahiya"

Lara Deeb and Mona Harb, 2011.
"Sanctioned Pleasures: Youth Negotiations of Leisure and Morality in al-Dahiya"

In "ARAB YOUTH: Social Mobilisation in Times of Risk," 2011, edited by Samir Khalaf and Roseanne Saad Khalaf.



This chapter draws the politics of morality depicted in the practices and discourses of young pious Shi'te in the Southern suburbs of Beirut who construes spaces of leisure and piety. A growing desire of combing religious moral code of conduct with fun becomes a commercial pattern of islamicizing spaces of leisure in a global consumerist society highly influenced with transnational spatial patterns.

In so doing, a young generation is generated named "more-or-less" generation that breaks the rigidity of Islamic teachings of the older "vanguard generation" through flexible interpretations in attempt to push the boundaries of moral legitimacy. In such process, they negotiate "multiple moral authorities" such as Sayed Mohamed Husayn Fadlallah that would open up a space for "individual responsibility" to judge and expand morality based on time and specific-related situations.

"Recent work on Iranian youth has tended towards the "youth as transgressive" model, casting young people as actively resisting the Islamic regime through their practices of fun, sexuality, and "breaking the rules" (Khosravi 2008, Mahdavi 2009, Varzi 2006)." (303) - "a state of imposed normality makes transgression a norm," (Varzi 2006: 124). (306) In Lebanon, pious youth tend to negotiate boundaries inducing fun and faith. Deeb and Harb argue that "youth practices and discourses of morality are flexible in their deployments, perhaps especially when it comes to ideas about leisure." (304)

And in that sense; "In the process of navigating and rewriting the boundaries of moral comportment in relation to leisure, pious Shi'a youth are contributing to the (re)production and (re)construction of an Islamic milieu in the city that also extends to other regions of the country." (304)

Deeb and Harb argue that "the emergence of this generation of pious youth provides the missing explanatory link for understanding why new practices and ideas of leisure are currently proliferating in the southern suburb of Beirut." (306)


"The power of generational shifts in producing social change
has been widely discussed and theorized from a number f perspectives. Perhaps one of the best known is the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies, which popularized a notion of youth as actively constructing subcultures, particularly through commodity forms (Hebdige 1979, Hall and Jeferson 1993, others). -

Several anthropologists have recently noted that the consequences of the subsequent focus on "youth culture" as a universally applicable concept has been a fetishization of both youth as a category and of resistance, divorcing both youth and their actions from their political-economic, historical, and relational contexts (Cole 2007, Christiansen et al 2006).

Recent works that have emerged from this critique (Borneman 1992, Cole and Durham 2007, Christiansen et al 2006, Vigh 2006) often re-center Karl Mannheim's classic essay, "The Problem of Generations," and his discussion of a generation as:

1) a group of people sharing "a common location in the social and historic process" (1952: 291) and participating "in the common destiny of the the historical and social unit" (303).  "Generation here is produced and defined through shared experiences and understandings of particular historical and cultural events, and through specific responses to those experiences and events (Borneman 1992, Christiansen et al 2006).

2) youth as a category and actors has to be understood in conversation with both older generations and state structures, according to Cole and Durham (2007).

3) youth as an actor and category must be understood in their negotiations of shifting moral norms and sources of moral authority (Deeb and Harb, 2011: 307).

4) youth as an actor and category must be understood in their political struggle and comradeship experiences in resilient grassroots movements during uprisings and moments of political tensions and social upheaval. (EL-Husseiny) - "rofaka' almidan"




FIRST GENERATION: The Lebanese Shi'ite Vanguard Generation
The "Islamic vanguard" generation are those whose efforts in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s led to the Lebanese Shi'a Islamic movement and its institutionalization in Lebanon. That generation often had to fight against their own parents' notion of morality - "cast by the rebelling Islamic vanguard generation as "traditional""-  in order to be able to enact their new understandings of both religious and political commitment." (307)

SECOND GENERATION: A Generation of "More-or-less" Pious Youth
Shi'a youth have been raised normalizing these traditional moral traits. Yet, Shi'a youth in the southern suburb of Beirut have begun to question moral boundaries related to ideas and practices of leisure, by engaging with "multiple sources of moral authority", including their own interpretations. "While religious faith is certainly important to many young people in al-Dahiya today, and many do embrace a pious lifestyle, their definitions of that lifestyle differ from those of the vanguard generation. Specifically, it is the details of practice that are consistently debated and redefined." (308)
"More-or-less pious youth" is a generation characterized by a diversity of youth opinion and interpretation, especially on matters of leisure, facilitated by the existence of multiple sources of moral authority in the Shi'a community on Lebanon today. While they conform to certain moral standards, they are well versed in the interpretations of multiple religious scholars and authorities, and tend to "view moral standards with a greater flexibility" than did the vanguard generation. (308)


MULTIPLE MORAL AUTHORITIES
In the Shi'te community, there is a high order of marja'iyya, or hierarchical religious knowledge. While there is the Hizbollah more conservative source of reference, there has been a very popular religious scholar named Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah. SInce the 1990s, Fadlallah has been a marja' al-taqlid, "source of emulation."Fadlallah popularity in guidance has been due in part to his clarity of language and pragmatism in his books and sermons. He is also popular because he believes in the need for Islam to "adapt" to the contemporary world and thinks that "interpretation" should work to facilitate young people's lifestyles whenever possible within the limitations of Islam. This is especially important in the pluralist context of Lebanon, where Fadlallah is appreciated as a Lebanese maja' in particular. As a result, he tends to be viewed as more progressive than others on a wide variety of issues.

Fadlallah consistently encourages his followers to use their "judgement and interpret situations and sometimes religious texts for themselves," a practice and call that some view as existing in constant tension with the practice of following a marji' to begin with. Fadlallah is concerned with guidance of clear haram, Islamic prohibitions, things like proscriptions on alcohol and adultery. But he leaves a wide range of flexible possibilities for "individual responsibility and interpretation" on other things related to mustawa of akhlaq or qiyam, morals or values. According to Fadlallah's son, "this level rests on the choice of the individual himself, meaning that he chooses to participate or not participate, depending on his mood, depending on his environment, on his culture, depending on his perspective on his role in life." (309, 310) There are people who, maybe don't like to go to certain places and people who don't like to go there at all, and other people no... and as long as a person doesn't do anything forbidden/muharram in these places, then there is no problem with him going there.

"This emphasis on individual responsibility is crucial to the emergence of today's pious youth as a generation that is gently pushing the boundaries of moral behavior." (310) They try to push the boundaries set by formal authorities of Hizbollah and Fadlallah. These youth are educated, literate, expectant, and media-savvy, and as a result, feel entitled and able to engage in debates about moral norms. That's why Deeb and Harb call them "more-or-less pious generation". "Their commitment to religion is by no means uniform. They take Fadlallah's teachings about individual moral responsibility to heart and believe "religiosity is something to be developed by the individual." That notion is then extended into their discussions and debates about leisure sites and practices.


LEISURE SITES: CAFES AND RESTAURANTS AS "APPROPRIATE" SPACES OF MORALITY AND PLAY, FAITH AND FUN
Since 2000, the youth have been infatuated with at least seventy-five new cafes and restaurants in the area, bustling with smartly dressed customers smoking argileh, drinking cocktail juices, eating saj manaqish, chatting and gazing, enjoying the privacy of a space hidden behind a column, or being part of the spectacle. Cafes operate also as catwalks; young women, whether muhajjaba of not, go to cafes made up and very well dressed, exhibiting their bodies. Young men show-off brand names and other external signs of distinctions - sometimes in relation to faith or politics. For example, they may wear large singe-stoned rings that contain a protective "hijab" (a slip of paper with a Qur'anic verse written on it) or they may set their mobile phones on ring tones to a speech by Sayyid Nasrallah or a party anthem - both signs associated with Hizbollah, and find appreciation by girls looking for pious youth with fun desire.

Restaurants and cafes are competent in southern suburb of Beirut are competent to the "quality standards" of Beirut with "waitstaff dressed stylishly in a ll black serve Illy brand Italian coffee along with French and Arabic pastries and hookahs. One place, the cafe is colorfully designed, with chairs and tables fitting into each other to form red, black, and white cubes, and shiny reflective floors and walls that produce a sleek, polished effect. Many young youth expressed their appreciation for the high-end services and aesthetic provided by this cafe and others like it. They find it both a "moral space" and "a quality standard aesthetic space" competent to contemporary Muslim lifestyle comportment of fun and faith.

These new leisure places themselves contribute to the reshaping of conventional boundaries and lifestyles by "introducing new social practices and providing spaces where the varied tastes and desires of their young clientele can unravel (Harb and Deeb 2009).

"Fadlallah emphasizes that beyond the clear rules on what is halal and haram - into which fall things like alcohol, halal meat, and physical intimacy between unmarried people - everything else falls into the realm of personal interpretation and has more to do with societal values than religious laws." (311)

More critically, Hizbullah has been both directly and indirectly involved in defining the relationship between play and morality. Party-run municipalities provide support to specific establishments and discourage others - by facilitating legal permits for the former and exerting pressure on the latter to redefine their business to fit within the party's ideas about moral standards. One cafe owner holds Italian soda syrups lined up on a wall behind coffee bar reported a visit by guys who :looked like Hizbullah" who seemed to be inspecting the contents of those bottles. Apparently he passed the test, as his business has been doing quite well since then. This speaks to the "indirect censorship" - led by committees resembling "neighborhood watch" groups - that takes place via unofficial boycotts of local cafes that do not fit the party's ideas about moral standards.


APPROPRIATE LICIT MUSIC (shawq vs ghara'iz)
Music conducive to dancing is understood by most youth to be forbidden by Fadlallah, Hizbullah, and many in the vanguard generation. In the last decade; official opinions in music shifted so that today Hizbullah utilizes a wide variety of musical instruments in its compositions, including electric guitar and drums, and Fadlallah emphasizes that the content of lyrics is what is important, and suggests that listeners be alert to the difference between shawq (longing or desire), which is acceptable, and ghara'iz (sexual instincts), which are unacceptable, in love songs. Yet in the absence of official regulation of music in Lebanon, "acceptability" is interpreted widely by youth, as well as by the managers and owners of the establishments that they frequent.

What constitutes inappropriate music changes depending on the time of year and on the clientele of an establishment at any given moment. One cafe owner turns the MTV channel on if the clientele appears to be likely attentive to it, but she would change the channel if other customers look more "religious" came in. Others might publicly shun pop music but listen to it secretively on their MP3 players. Similar differences emerge in relation to whether one would enter an establishment that serves alcohol or not. Time of year is also relevant, and during Ramadan or Ashura, for instance, people who might frequent restaurants with alcohol on the menu during other months cease to do so temporarily." Some youth wouldn't accept entering a restaurant serving alcohol, others do as long as there is no bar space specified for that but only served on demand, etc. "As long as the absolute red-lines are not crossed, there remains space for negotiation, movement, moods, and even day-to-day changes in activities and comportment without accusations of hypocrisy of immorality." (314)



SPACES OF MIXED GENDER PROXIMITY
Behavior is "self-policed" in al-Dahiya and "enforced through social convention" rather than a "morality police" such as those found in Iran or Saudi Arabia. In cafes and restaurants, "appropriate" behavior appears to be regulated through a "combination of self-disciplining and enforcement by waitstaff," with significant room for "flexibility of interpretation and practice." Cafe owners declared that "parents feel sage about their children coming here; because they know we make sure the ambiance stays controlled (madbuta); even if a girl is with a guy, parents know tha they are in a place where morals rule (ft akhlak) and nobody here will allow anything immoral (ghayr akhlaqi) to happen, because this girl is like our daughter." (314)

"Yet, during our visits to Dahiya we saw a good deal of mixed sex interaction that this cafe owner, and the parents to whom he refers, would no doubt find immoral. Most cafes have organized the layout of their tables to provide several intimate spaces for their customers, with dedicated floors for tables of two, private rooms, and various corners where young couples can spend time with one another relatively out of sight. We witnessed numerous couples sitting in very close proximity to one another and sometimes making out in the not-quite-private nooks and crannies of these cafes. It is also not uncommon for young couples to arrive and depart from cafes separately, highlighting their use of the space as a place to meet away from the eyes of their families and society." (314, 315)


TOLERANT ATTITUDE TO DIFFERENCE & OPENNESS
Michel Aoun ally with Hassan Nasrallah providing a mixed sectarian interaction between "non-Islamic" comportment and "morally fun" behavior. "This diversity and flexibility facilitates a certain amount if leniency on the part of many young people with regard to their own choices as well as those of their friends." (316) "Importantly, young people often cautioned against judging others' piety, and frequently warned one another against judging others and emphasized the importance of being tolerant and open to others' perspectives and lifestyles.

"Belief in the mutability of faith and religious commitment should not be mistaken for moral relativism, as such belief works in relation to the interpretations of religious scholars, one's personal trajectory, shifting community norms, and Hizbullah-related censorship." (316) This all creates the "conditions of possibility" within which people striving to live pious lives are able to enact various expectations and desires for a moral life. What is clear is that this is a generation that is bringing ots own interpretations, tastes, and desires to the Islamic milieu.

Asef Bayat, 2010. Life As Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East

Asef Bayat, 2010. Life As Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East, Standford Univ. press.

Preface
This book is about the "art of presence," the story of agency in times of constraints. It is about "agency" and "change" in the Muslim Middle East, the societies in which religion seems to occupy a prominent position. It discusses "the diverse ways in which the ordinary people, the subaltern - the urban dispossessed, Muslim women, the globalizing youth, and other urban grass roots - strive to affect the contours of change in their societies, by refusing to exit from the social and political stage controlled by authoritarian states, moral authority, and neoliberal economies, discovering and generating new spaces within which they can voice their dissent and assert their presence of bettering their lives." (ix, 2010)

Albayat argues that the vehicles by which ordinary people change their societies are not simply audible mass protests or revolutions, even though they represent an aspect of popular mobilization; rather, - and this is Albayat's contribution, people resort to "nonmovements" (ix, 2010). Nonmovements are the collective endeavors of millions of noncollective actors, carried out in the main squares, back streets, courthouses, or communities (ix, 2010).

The book is divided into three uneven parts of 13 chapters.
Introduction

• The Art of Presence
• Transforming the Arab Middle East: Dissecting a Manifesto

Part 1: Social Nonmovements

• The Quiet Encroachment of the Ordinary
• The Poor and the Perpetual Pursuit of Life Chances
• Feminism of Everyday Life
• Reclaiming Youthfulness
• The Politics of Fun

Part 2: Street Politics and the Political Street 

• A Street Named "Revolution:
• Does Radical Islam Have an Urban Ecology?
• Everyday Cosmopolitanism
• The "Arab Street"
• Is there a Future for Islamic Revolutions?

Part 3: Prospects

• No Silence, No Violence: Post-Islamist Trajectory

Preston Scott Cohen @ Berkeley Sp 2012

Polemics
Two ideas concerns the horizon of Presto Scott Cohen, 1. Drawings & Computational Representation, 2. Urbanism. Historically, plans had always implied projections. They were drawn on the floor to articulate errors and concertize possibilities of modifications. Plans are viewed from a perspective already in mind (eye point and vanishing point). The problem of section is quintessential in the booming of descriptive geometry. Bramante designed San Satiro Church in an anomorphic way as a result of the limited context that hindered an extended altar. This was done through constructing a visual depth on surface plan.

Le Corbusier added the concept of "generation" that lines give rise to extrusion of lines giving rise to the third dimension. Urbanism's intensified stack of spaces irrefutably requires us to pack space with these limitations just as Rem Koolhaas explains New York. Three-d modelling fosters the completion of object before its building returns us back to static perspectives. But this computational mode does not allow us to stacking & succession of slicing. The flicker effect of a movie "Sleep" -  animate statitc. the movie endures us to a condition of lack of activity along hours. Montage.. a narrative that is disjointed, cut through and sliced to bring in an interpretation. Rem Koolhaas project in France, trusses are built every other floor bringing a variation of space and finction in every floor between Le Corbu & Mies design, Palladian space, axial distribution, etc. Koolhaas perceives linearity through sustaining the extrusion of lines of the main four sides of the building just as the movie "Sleep" sustains its succession linearity. 

Santa Maria presso San Satiro, designed by Bramante (1482). Bramante designed an anamorphic apse to compensate for the narrow site constraints.

San Satiro apse seen from the oblique. The anamorphic effect is revealed. http://cmuarch2013.wordpress.com/2009/03/28/lecture-notes-preston-scott-cohen/

Diagrammatic Sketches.

Preston Scott Cohen Analysis of descriptive geometry and the generation of spaces.

Villa Savoye by Le Corbusier. Circulation in every direction, "Promenade Architecturale."

Rem koolhaas, Tres Grande Bibliotheque at Jussieu in France

Scott Cohen, Eyebeam, Atelier Museum.

Parametric design with the aid of CATIA software enabling a progressive form of representation as CAD yet pushing virtual architecture a step further towards design thinking, conceptual creativity, and experiential variables.

Cases Studies of Cohen

 The concept of "Elasticity", the elastic space you feel once you enter the foyer. The anatomical projection breaks from the extruded linearity. There is no structural continuity in the project. The result is a two paradigm line of thinking between "Sleep" & "La beaute" Or "Narrativity," procession, and "Multipicity" of non-linearity that allows flexible galleries.

The Herta and Paul Amir building or the Tel Aviv Museum of Arts relinquishes a battle between the library and the museum. The lib at first has the supremacy at the sequence of spaces and its extension. The museum tries to retrieve its primacy through creating a vertical shaft across its parts. The concept of isomorphism in which this fight is projected from the inside to the outside, to the exterior of the facade. This is the generation of isomorphic architecture.



The Goodman house or the Modern Barn that he designed early in his career and the Fahmy House at Los Gatos CA.. the design is divided into separate spaces yet there is a moment of unity that offers them an opportunity to come together. Oblique tipped up stair rising from the ground on the elevation side.There is a constructed sense of topos and a hill as you look outside on the staggered windows. The ceiling is like a flushing water independent of the walls creating slices of obliqueness and skewed light falls. This house is not isomorphic, it is dramatically disconnected from the facade it hosts unlike the museum that is strongly evident with its connectivity of isomorphism between the interior and exterior.

A modernist classical villa! The Inman house.. The ceiling is a slicing plane, a very different feeling above from below. The ceiling has been punctured into the sky. Very intricate spaces. That required three spatial types, a composite of punctures, small squares to below, hollow ring slicing the building's section, and big skylight from the roof. Another house with an inner void passage. The creation of an interior timber forest design in the inside spaces. This connection between in and out add to the isomorphism architecture.

Taiyuan Museum.. many characteristics as those of Tel Aviv project. Very aggressive orbital movement, you rise up through side walks, moving tectonics, and sequentially supporting motion as another narrative of space in which the envelope is continuously moving.

Conclusion

Think of the "stacking paradigm" as a harbinger to slicing projections giving reality and connections. Architecture is caught between the urban forms and the computational advancements in the 21st century, thinking of one side alone does not bring the attention of life complexity and advanced representation we live in today.

The Herta and Paul Amir building, Tel Aviv Museum of Art, Preston Scott Cohen.

The Goodman House, Los Gatos, CA.

Inman House

  

The Arcade Project between Goldman Sachs building in the Financial District in NY.

Taiyuan Museum